Thomas Rowlandson, The Passroom at Bridewell, from The Microcosm of London (1808). © London Lives.
A Reflection on Their Struggles and Resilience
Exploring family ancestry can provide fascinating insights into history and migration patterns. One weekend, while delving into my family tree, I discovered my 10th great-grandfather, Nicholas Granger. His journey is particularly noteworthy, as he was approximately 9 years old when he was sent to America. This highlights an important aspect of immigration history: many immigrants were children, and not all arrived with their families.
I exist today because of this brave boy.
(All wording is how it was spelled in colonial records.)
In 1618, the Virginia Company petitioned the London Common Council with a request for assistance in bringing over one hundred poor and vagrant children. This reflects the early colonial efforts to populate Virginia, as well as the social challenges faced by many in England during that time. They asked that one hundred poor and vagrant children, who lie in the streets… having no place of abode nor friends to relieve them, be shipped to the fledgling colony of Jamestown, at the city’s expense.1
Seventy-five boys and twenty-five girls were accordingly transported for running wild in the streets, for being vagrant, on 27 February 1618; though it should be said that none of those apprehended and sent over were formally convicted in the London court system.2
“A Survey of London” (1720)
Only a few of these children survived in the harsh realities of early Virginian life, including two “Bridewell Boys” called Nathaniel Tatum and Nicholas Granger, who appear to have found some success in their new world. “Bridewell Boys” referred to young boys sent from England to the colonies as indentured servants, most often as a form of punishment for minor crimes. 3
Nicholas married Elizabeth circa 1627. His wife was probably the Elizabeth Gringer, aged 33, who made a deposition in Mar 1634/5 in Northampton County.4
On 13 Aug 1638, Alice Robins was reported as saying that if Nicholas Granger had not come to Virginia, he would have been hanged; but 9-year-olds were not hanged, even in 1619.4
Side note: According to my research, Alice Robins was in the courts frequently. It seems she and her husband liked to cause trouble.
“The deposition of R…this deponent aged…that he goeinge to…Nicholas Granger…the said p…Robins…her one…Robins…wise…Upon…Allice…the wife…whore…also at one…and Crabbing…therefore ordered that said woman for her misdemenoes shal be towed over the Creeke tomorrow at ten of the clock”5
Goodwiffe Robbins’ wife was brought into court for slandering Richard’s wife Mary. Goodwife Robins’ wife Alice received twenty lashes for this offense. It appears that Alice Robbins was a disagreeable person evidenced by the fact that she was quite often in court. For her slanderous offense she was “…lashed to the end of a canoe and towed over the creek”.
In another deposition, she is quoted as saying that Mary Hudson “was as badd as anie salte Bitch.”
Nicholas Granger is documented in the colonial records from the early 17th century. In his will, dated April 1, 1639, Nicholas Harwood acknowledged Goodman Granger for his care and generosity by leaving funds to buy a “calf for Nicholas Granger, my godson.”6
Such bequests were common in wills of the time, underscoring the importance of community and familial support within colonial society. On August 3, 1640, Nicholas Granger was granted a certificate for 200 acres of land, with his wife, Elizabeth, named as one of the headrights—this system allowed landowners to claim land based on the number of people they transported to the colonies.
On October 1, 1647, in Northampton County, Nicholas Granger transferred a heifer to his daughter, Christian Granger, and this transaction was witnessed by Henry Armitradinge, who was involved in similar transactions on the same day, likely in preparation for marriage. Christian married Henry Armitradinge later that year, indicating that land ownership and livestock, like a heifer, played a significant role in family wealth and social standing.
Nicholas Granger patented land on September 20, 1647, in Northampton County, Virginia. He initially received a patent for 350 acres near the head of Nassawattocks Creek, adjacent to Stephen Horsey’s property; however, this land was later found to be already part of a patent held by Colonel Francis Yeardley and was subsequently lost. He also had another patent for 350 acres along Pungoteague River and Pocomeck Creek, which he assigned to Nicholas Waddilow, as recorded in Waddilow’s patent on April 2, 1655.
On March 25, 1651, Nicholas Granger took the oath of allegiance, promising loyalty to the Commonwealth of England as it was established without a king or House of Lords. This reflects the political shifts of the time and the complexities of allegiance during a period of significant change in England’s governance. At that time, he was officially recorded as Nicholas Granger, linking his personal story to the broader tapestry of early American history.
Nicholas died after 25 March 1651 in Northampton County, Virginia.
My line stems from Nicholas’ son, Nicholas (abt. 1627).
Through exploring the life of Nicholas Granger, we gain a better understanding of the struggles and triumphs of early immigrants to America, as well as the importance of family legacy and community in shaping our histories.
Citations
- Theodore K. Rabb, “Sandys, Sir Edwin (1561–1629. ↩︎
- Records of Individuals ordered to be sent to Virginia, ca. 1618-37 from Bridewell Royal Hospital ↩︎
- Accession 26237, Library of Virginia: “Records of Individuals ordered to be sent to Virginia, ca. 1618-37 ↩︎
- John Frederick Dorman, Adventurers of Purse and Person, Virginia, 1607-1624/5, p. 68 and p. 119 (Granger Family). ↩︎
- Virginia Colonial Abstracts Transcript pg. 154 (Original Mutilated. Pg. 204. ↩︎
- James Handley Marshall, Northampton Co, VA, Abstracts of Wills & Administrations, 1632-1802, p. 4 (will of Nicholas Harwood). ↩︎
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